Syntax of the Cases Home PageAppendix and Index
Syntax of the Cases in the Pali Nikayas
The Locative Case
§160. [General Characteristics]
The seventh case (sattamī = Skr. saptamī) or the loc. serves to denote the where, i.e., the scene of an action. But it is capable of expressing such nuances as are denoted by the English prepositions in, on, at, among, with, by, near, over or about. Moreover its employment is not restricted to actual space as normally understood by ‘where’, but extends into other spheres of thought (cp. SS §38.6) Consequently there are various uses of the loc. which can be classified as those denoting, for instance, the varying conceptions of time, of circumstance, of motive, (the nimitta-sattamī of local grammarians), of relation, the loc. absolute with its various subdivisions and so on. Though fundamentally the loc. denotes just where, i.e. the place where an action takes place and thus appears to express a static notion, it is nevertheless capable of having a dynamic import as when it signifies the aim reached with verbs of motion and allied meaning, being in most such instances parallel to the acc. But in spite of all these syntactical variations of application, logically the fundamental unity of conception underlying all its uses appears more markedly in the case of the loc. than with most other cases. Apart from these adverbal uses the loc. is also employed adnominally in the Nikāyas with a descriptive sense, but even here some verbal concept seems to be implied.
§161. [Local Grammarians]
The fundamental characteristic of the loc. according to local grammarians, is to denote that which is the (relevant) basis (ādhāra) for the action. Hence the designation ādhāra-vibhatti. The place in or on which something happens is, in their opinion, that which maintains the process implied by the main verb (kriyā). Says Kaccāyana: yo’ dhāro tamokāsaṃ (280), meaning  thereby that which is auxiliary (to the action) is the location (space or opportunity); whereas Moggallāna’s rule sattamyādhāre (II.34) is interpreted by the vutti as implying that “what is auxiliary to the action by way of supporting the agent and the object which are its co-efficients is called the seventh kāraka” (‘kriyâdhārabhūtakattukammānaṃ dhāraṇena yo kriyāyâdhāro tasmiṃ kārake nāmasmā sattamī hoti’). These go back to the Pāṇinī sūtra ādhāro’ dhikaraṇaṃ, which means according to the vārttikā that which is related to the action as the site where the action takes place is called adhikaraṇa. It is interesting to note that Kaccāyana does not employ the term ādhāra as the original notion of the loc., as the other two, but the word okāsa (okāse sattamī Kac. 304). This notion of location, according to the vutti on Kac. 280, is four-fold: ‘svādhāro catubbhido: byāpiko opasilesiko vesyiko sāmīpikoti’ viz., 1. when it expresses inhesion, inherence or concomitancy; 2. when it implies occupation or juxtaposition; 3. when the notion of residence or habitation is meant; finally, 4. when it signifies proximity or vicinity or neighbourhood. Though this division is necessarily arbitrary and incomplete, it is to the credit of the writer that some of the fundamental logical connections of the loc. are touched upon.
§162. [Relation to other Cases]
We have already referred to the contact of the proper sphere of the acc. with that of the loc. (§§40 & 45). In Pāli, as in Skr., the former is not alone in bordering on the latter’s employ since, as we shall see in the succeeding paragraphs, other cases like the inst., dat., gen., and even the abl. come into contact with it. These various points of contact seem to have been made very early in the history of I.E., for in special form the loc. is only preserved in Indo-Aryan and Balt.-Slav., having coalesced in Greek with the dat.-inst., in Latin with the abl.-inst, and in Germanic with the dat. (vide KVG §536). In Pāli the loc. form was more liable to preservation as already the inst. had coalesced with the abl. (completely in the plural and in the -ā ending of the singular) and the dat. with the gen. in both numbers. Nevertheless the original sg. ending -e of -a nouns  seems to have been superseded even in the older Nikāyas by the later form -smiṃ (-mhi) borrowed from the pronominal declension, though the replacement has not gone so far as in the case of the abl. (§5.b.). This has been extended even into other declensions such as those in -i and -u in the sg., but the plural is the same as that of the earlier language.
§163. The Locative of Place Where.
The fundamental function of the loc. is to express the spot, the exact place, where an action is done or takes place. Here we may observe the following distinctions (SS. §123A):
a. i. In its simplest form it conveys the notion of being in or within. e.g.,
nirayamhi paccati A V.75
“he is tortured in hell”;
Vesāliyaṃ viharati Ambapāli-vane D II.94
“lives at (or near) Vesāli in the grove of Ambapāli”.
The construction in the latter is idiomatic. In such frequent instances where the verb of ‘being or living’ is placed between two locatives the former invariably denotes the neighbourhood in general (cp. Eng. ‘at’) and the exact spot, the actual location, is expressed by the latter which is almost always the name of a residence of some sort. Similarly:
so Vesāliyaṃ parisati evaṃ vācaṃ bhāsati D III.13
“he speaks these words among the rabble at V”;
tesaṃ tiṇhāni satthāni hatthesu pātu-bhavanti D III.73
“sharp weapons appear in their hands”;
tassa rukkhassa chāyāya nisinnaṃ M I.74
“seated in the shade of that tree”.
ii. With the verb ‘to be’ complemented by a noun this loc. may sometimes be paralled to the gen. of description. e.g.,
amanussa-rājā divi homi D II.206
“I am the non-human king in (or ‘of’) heaven”.
iii. With the verb uppajjati “be born” the loc. is used concurrently with the acc. (§40.a.) to denote the place where one is born or arises. When this verb has the sense of “attain to”, which should be the literal sense of ud+pad (or even upa+pad), the acc. of direction should be the more logical construction. There seems to be, however, a semantical confusion between the two  notions of “being born in” and “born into, attain to”. The context in most cases still shows that the loc. is properly used when the sense is “to be born in”. e.g.,
Tathāgato loke uppajjati D I.62
“The Tathāgata is born in the world”;
Padumake pana bhikkhu niraye Kokāliko bhikkhu uppanno S I.152
“In the P. purgatory, O monk, the brother K. is born”.
This confusion of the acc. and the loc. has left its mark in a curious construction where the -e form can also be regarded as the Māgadhī acc. sg. (see Eastern forms §10), unless it is an editor’s error, viz.,
paraṃ maraṇā sugatiṃ saggaṃ loke uppajjanti A I.32
“after death they are born into a happy state in heaven”.
iv. Even when the prefixes adhi-, paṭi- etc. are added to verbs of ‘being’ or ‘living’, the loc. is maintained and the acc. is not used though we may expect the latter according to the tendency of such compound-verbs to become ‘transitive’; e.g.,
tasmiṃ sāle adhivatthā devatā M I.306; S I.197
“the godhead inhabiting that sal-tree”;
Vesāliyaṃ paṭivasanti D I.150
“live at Vesāli”;
cp. Nālandāyaṃ M I.371, āpaṇe Sn 104.
v. The verbs tiṭṭhati and vattati (< sthā and vṛt) in the sense of standing by or abiding by are construed with a loc. (vide SS §138.3). Such idioms as ‘ovāde tiṭṭhati’ are not alien to Pāli concinnity though not exemplified in the Nikāyas. It is however quite frequent in the Jātakas; e.g.,
ovāde ṭhatvā J I.153; IV.367
“abiding by the advice”.
These verbs are construed with the loc. even when prefixes are added owing to their character as primary verbs of location like the above root vas. e.g.,
mahā-paṭhavī udake patiṭṭhitā D II.107
“the wide earth is established in the water”;
hīne kāye patiṭṭhitā M I.327
“placed in a low body”;
nāma-rūpe patiṭṭhitā D II.63
“established in name and form”.
vi. This loc. of place where may sometimes be used in a metaphorical sense in such expressions as “to sit at or preside over” and “to find or see something (quality etc.) in a person”. e.g.,
rājā atthakaraṇe nisinno D II.20; M II.122
“the king seated at the administration of justice (or presiding over the cases)”;
ime pañca-nīvaraṇe appahīne attani samanupassati  D I.73 (cp. M I.367)
“he sees the five hindrances undestroyed in himself”;
evaṃ paripuṇṇaṃ ... sīlakkhandhaṃ ... aññesu samaṇabrāhmaṇesu na samanupassāmi D I.206
“such a complete ... aggregate of virtues ... I do not find in other recluses and brahmins”;
na ca pana etaṃ amhesu saṃvijjati D I.3
“this indeed does not exist in us”;
tesaṃ te kārā amhesu mahapphalā bhavissanti M I.281
“those actions of theirs ensure to fruit and profit in ourselves”.
The loc. in these examples denotes location however abstract it may be. In some of these the dat. or the gen. is admissible in place of the loc. especially when it is said to exist in a person; when however the noun in the loc. is not personal this option is less possible. e.g.,
natthi kāmesu doso M I.305
“there is nothing wrong in pleasures”.
§164. [Various Uses]
a. The surface trodden or touched on, upon, or the space over, at, or the thing through which motion is implied is denoted by the loc. e.g.,
udake pi abhijjamāne gacchati M II.18
“walks on the unbroken (surface of the) water”;
Vesāliyaṃ piṇḍāya caritvā D II.102
“having gone for alms over Vesāli”;
abbhokāse caṅkamanti M II.119
“they walk on the open ground (or in the open air)”;
suparikammakatasmiṃ dantasmiṃ yaṃ yad eva ... danta-vikatiṃ kareyya D I.78
“as if he would make certain ornamentations on the well-levelled (surface of an) elephant’s tooth”;
ayokhilaṃ hatthe gamenti A I.141
“they send an iron spike through the hand”.
b. Or it may denote the dominion, territory or thing on, in or at. e.g.,
nisīdi Bhagavā paññatte āsane M II.2
“the Blessed One sat on the seat that was prepared”;
aṅke nisīdāpetvā D II.20
“having made (him) to sleep on the lap”;
pallaṅke nisīdi D II.210
“sat on the couch”;
pupphaṃ iva udumbaresu Sn 5
“like flowers on the fig trees”.
This is called opasilesiko-ādhāro by the vutti on Kac. 280.
c. It may also denote the thing or place near, on, about, at, in short, proximity (samīpattha). e.g.,
aññatarasmiṃ rukkhamūle nisīdi D II.162
“he sat near or at the foot of the tree”;
Ukkaṭṭhāyaṃ Comy. ‘samīpatthe bhummavacanaṃ’ Ps.I.12.98 viharati Subhagavane M I.1
“lives at or near Uk. in the Subha  grove”
(cp. remarks under a.i.). This sense is also brought about by placing anu- before the noun in the loc. as adnominal prefix. e.g.,
anutīre ‘anutīreti tīrasamipe’ Pj.II.28.99 Mahiyā Sn 18
“near or along the bank of the river M.”.
d. This loc. also denotes the people among whom one lives or something happens. (cp. KVG §537.3; SS §133.e.). The partitive gen. denoting a group of people out of whom some are selected can sometimes psychologically coincide with this loc. (§144.a.). e.g.,
Bhagavā Sakkesu viharati D II.253 (cp. Kurūsu ‘tasmiṃ kurūsu janapade’ Sum.II.481.100 D II.55)
“the Blessed One lives among the Sakyans”;
Kosalesu cārikaṃ carati M II.45 (140 Videhesu)
“he sojourns among the Kosalas”;
vāseṭṭha-Bhāradvājā Bhikkhūsu parivasanti D III.80
“Vāseṭṭha and Bhāradvāja reside among the monks”;
devesu Tāvatiṃsesu pātur-ahosi Ud 22.
“he appeared among the T. gods”;
Suddhāvāsesu devesu antarahitā S I.26
“disappearing (from) among the S. gods”
(vide abl.-like loc. §173.c.);
te Nigaṇṭhesu pabbajantīti M I.93
“they enter (the homeless life) among the naked ascetics”.
e. In certain constructions, especially with verbs of living and others implying co-residence, the person under, with or in the company of whom one stays is expressed by the loc. case. This seems to have originated in such earlier usages as the Vedic ‘sā hāsmin jyoguvāsa’ “she lived with him” (cp. KVG §539), and the loc. of the person with whom one stays is a frequent idiom in Classical Skr. (cp. SS §137.2). This may be called the sociative loc. e.g.,
Bhagavati brahmacariyaṃ caranti D I.155; II.208
“they practise the Holy Life under or with the Blessed One”
(cp. Sugatasmiṃ ... D II.208). It may occur adnominally:
samaṇe Gotame brahmacariyavāso M I.524
“Higher Life (is) with the recluse Gotama”.
Similar is the following gāthā idiom:
Vesiyāsu padissati ... dissati paradāresu Sn 108
“he is seen in the company of harlots ... and others’ wives”.
A periphrasis for this construction is -santike which itself is a sociative loc. e.g.,
alattha ... Bhagavato santike pabbajjaṃ D II.153
“he received ordination under the Blessed One”.
This also borders on the abl. like loc. found with verbs of receiving (§173.a.)  and may be rendered “received ... from the Bl. One”. Syntactically related to this sociative loc. is the one found in the stock-phrase
cittaṃ vase vatteti A IV.34
“keeps the mind under control”.
Sometimes periphrastic turns of expression such as majjhe, visaye, antare, antaraṃ, passe, samīpe etc. are used for the loc. (either with the gen. of the noun or as the second member of a compound). e.g.,
saṅghamajjhe osaranti M I.469, II.8
“come into the midst of the Order of monks”;
Māravisaye (pakkhanno) Th. 1.253
“falls into the realm of Māra”;
also in the gāthā literature post-positions ending in other case-suffixes, particularly the acc. of place where, are used as periphrases for the loc. e.g.,
susaṃvutatto visikhantaraṃ caraṃ Th 1.1119
“walking in the streets well-restrained in body”.
It is however not clear (as far as the Nikāya language is concerned) whether these periphrases always make the meaning of the loc. more precise as Speyer seems to think (cp. SS §133.e.).
§165. The Locative of Place Whither.
As has been already pointed out the loc. not only expresses the place where something takes place but also the spot whither (into which) motion is directed. This construction exists in Vedic and Classical Skr. just as in Latin and Greek, especially with verbs of falling, throwing and casting (cp. VGS §204.1.b.; SS §§134.B. & 134*). It is quite common in Pāli and in most instances concurrent with the acc. of the goal (§40-). Kaccāyana refers to the loc. used for the acc. (312) but the vutti gives only examples, of the type ‘... bhikkhusu abhivādenti’ and none with verbs of motion. The following distinctions are to be observed:
a. The place into or to which one moves, is carried or betakes oneself: e.g.,
Sāvatthiyaṃ agamāsiṃ D II.270
“I came to S”;
ekante attānaṃ upasaṃharitvā D II.212
“having betaken himself to one side”;
ye Padume niraye upanītā Sn 677
“who are carried into Paduma hell”.
b. The place or spot one enters or descends into: e.g.,
Vesāliyaṃ piṇḍāya pāvisiṃ D II.102 (III.16)
“he entered (into) V., for  alms”.
Here however the reading is not quite settled. The P.T.S. text reads ‘Vesāliṃ piṇḍāya pāvisi’ D II.102 and continues ‘Vesāliyaṃ piṇḍāya caritvā’ but Feer (Sd) has ‘Vesāliyaṃ piṇḍāya pāvisi, Vesāliyaṃ piṇḍāya caritvā’ with the loc. in both places. In the other passage (D III.16) the P.T.S. also has ‘Vesāliyaṃ piṇḍāya pāvisiṃ’. Syntactically, it is not necessary to alter any of the MSS. since the loc. as well as the acc. is permissible. The loc. in saṅghamajjhe osaranti also belongs to this class (cp. end of para. 164.f.), and the acc. is actually found with this verb osarati. e.g.,
gāmaṃ osara- M I.176
“enter- the village”.
Similarly the passage:
mātu-kucchismiṃ okkamati D III.231
“enters into the mother’s womb”
occurs with the acc. -kucchiṃ at D II.63.
c. The place or spot into which one falls: e.g.,
na câssa kānici phalāni bhūmiyaṃ patitāni M I.366
“none of its fruits are fallen on (onto) the ground”.
Similar is the construction in pakkhanno Māravisaye Th 1.253 (cp. end §164.f.).
d. With verbs having the sense of submerging and sinking into or in: e.g.,
paṭhaviyâpi ummujja-nimmujjaṃ karoti seyyathâpi udake D I.78
“he dives into the earth and emerges out of it as in water”.
e. With verbs of throwing, casting and the like to denote the place or spot on, onto or into which: e.g.,
kālakatañ ca naṃ ... susāne chaḍḍhessanti D III.8
“they throw him (when he is) dead into the charnal ground”;
tela-doṇiyā pakkhipitvā D II.142
“having put into an oil-vat”;
thale khitto Dh 34
“thrown on the land”.
f. With verbs meaning to keep, place on, over, across etc.: e.g.,
samaṃ pādaṃ bhūmiyaṃ nikkhipati D III.146
“he places the foot horizontally (i.e. flat) on the ground”;
rittam pi pattaṃ sīse nikujjeyyuṃ D III.203
“they would place an empty bowl over his head”.
Similar is the use of the loc. with the verb karoti (cp. SS §133 R.l). e.g.,
aṃse katvāna cīvaraṃ Th 1.197
“having put the robe over (across) the shoulder”;
taṃ hatthe karitvā D I.76; II.13; M II.17
“having taken it in(to) his hand”
(lit. having put it on his palm). A metaphorical turn of the same idiom is  found in the compound verb ‘manasi-karoti’. e.g.,
sādhukaṃ manasi karotha D II.2 (204)
“take it well into your head”
(i.e. reflect well in your mind).
g. With verbs of striking and hitting the spot at or on which the blow is dealt: e.g.,
āyasmato Vidhurassa sīse pahāraṃ adāsi M I.336
“he gave a blow on the head of the ven. Vidhura”;
sīse pahāraṃ adāsi M I.126
“gave a blow on the head”.
But the person to whom the blow is given is naturally denoted by the dat. case. e.g.,
bhikkhunīnaṃ pāṇinā pahāraṃ dadeyya M I.123
“would give a blow with his hand to the nuns”
(i.e. would strike the nuns with his hand).
h. With the idiomatic phrases ‘saṅgahaṃ gacchati’ and ‘samodhānaṃ gacchati’ the loc. denotes that within which something is comprised or included or into which something fits. e.g.,
yāni kānici jaṅgamānaṃ pāṇānaṃ padajātāni sabbāni tāni hatthipade samodhānaṃ gacchati M I.184
“whatever footprints there are of walking animals, all those go into an elephant’s foot”
(i.e. are comprised within or included within an elephant’s foot);
ye keci kusalā dhammā sabbe te catusu ariyasaccesu saṅgahaṃ gacchanti M I.184
“whatever good things there are, all those are comprised within the four Noble Truths”.
A similar loc. is involved in the elliptical construction:
Brahmuno pakati-vaṇṇo anabhisambhavanīyo so devānaṃ Tāvatiṃsānaṃ cakkhupathasmiṃ D II.244
“For Brahma’s usual appearance is not (sufficiently) materialized as to appear (fall within the scope of or) in the Tāvatiṃsa gods’ vision”.
That some such infinitive as patituṃ is to be understood is made clear by the Comy. which has ‘anabhisambhavanīyo ti appattabbo’ (Sum. II.640). The P.T.S. translation has “not sufficiently materialized to impress the vision of the Thirty Three gods”. The loc. here can also be regarded as denoting relation (§174).
§166. The Locative with Verbs.
The loc. also appears in special connection with certain classes of verbs. Here it seems to express notions allied to the fundamental conception of place where. Such are: 
a. Verbs denoting the thing touched in binding etc. (cp. SS §139.4). For instance, it may signify that around which, to which or at (by) which the action of tying is performed. e.g.,
sīse sīsa-veṭhanaṃ bandheyya M II.193
“he would tie the turban around his head”;
daḷho thambhe vā khīle upanibaddho M II.232
“tied to a stout pillar or post”;
asurindaṃ kaṇṭhe ... bandhanehi bandhitvā S I.221
“having tied the lord of the asuras at (or by) the neck with strings”.
b. Verbs of sticking, adhering, attaching, clinging, hanging on, depending on etc. e.g.,
rajojallaṃ kāye na upalippati M II.136; D III.158
“dust and dirt do not stick to his body”;
pāvaḷā su nāma te pīṭhakasmiṃ allīnā D III.19,21
“your buttocks are sticking to the chair”;
kāyasmiṃ allīnā M II.139
“clinging to the body”;
kaṇṭhe āsattena M I.120
“hanging on his neck”;
vāto va jālamhi asajjamāno Sn 71
“like the wind not sticking in (on to) the net (i.e. caught in the net)”;
nāmarūpasmiṃ asajjamāno Dh 221
“not clinging to name and form”.
c. Verbs of relying, trusting, having faith in etc. e.g.,
Evaṃ pasanno ahaṃ samaṇe Gotame D II.149
“I have such faith in the recluse Gotama”;
Sele brāhmaṇe abhippasanno Sn p.105
“extremely pleased (or confident) in the brahmin Sela”;
Tathāgate saddhaṃ paṭilabhati D I.63; M I.179,267,344; III.33
“conceives faith in the Tathāgata”.
The dat. is here the parallel case (§94.a.).
d. Verbs having just the opposite sense, of doubting, being unsettled or not, clear in mind, suspecting and being disgusted. Here as well as in the above type (c.) the loc. is expressive of relation, i.e. the thing regarding which. e.g., i).
dvīsu mahā-purisalakkhaṇesu kaṅkhati vicikicchati nâdhimuccati na sampasīdati M II.135
“he doubts, hesitates to believe in, is not settled with regard to, two signs of the Super-man”;
cattār’ imani bhikkhave bhayāni udak’ orohante pāṭikaṅkhitabbāni M I.459
“these four dangers (lit. fears) should be expected (lit. suspected) in (the case of) one going into the water”.
The gen. is also employed with this verb (§147.c.). ii). With nibbindati the loc. appears concurrently with the abl. or the inst. (§126.e.). e.g.,
sutavā  ariyasāvako rūpasmiṃ nibbindati M II.20
“the learned disciple is disgusted in (i.e. with, of) form”;
nibbindati bhavagate Th 2.522
“gets disgusted of what is given to becoming”.
e. Verbs of catching, taking, seizing agree with a loc. of that (usually a part of the body) by which one is caught, the person being denoted by the acc. e.g.,
taṃ enaṃ dve balavanto purisā nānābāhāsu gahetvā M I.365
“him as such two strong men taking by the arms (in various ways)”;
taṃ bhikkhuṃ bāhāyaṃ gahetvā D I.221; A IV.206; Ud 52
“having taken that monk by the hand”;
pādesu gahetvā Sn p.32
“taking by the legs”;
eḷakaṃ lomesu gahetvā M I.228
“having caught the ram by its hairs”;
dubbalataraṃ purisaṃ sīse vā gahetvā khandhe vā gahetvā M I.121
“taking a weaker man by the head or the body”;
kesesu parāmasitvā M II.47
“seizing by the hairs”.
The inst. of means is not used in this connection, for it is expressedly employed to signify that limb or part of the body of the agent with which (by which) the action is done (§66.a).
f. With verbs meaning to fall at one’s feet (SS §139.4.), to kneel down or prostrate oneself before, the person before whom such an act of obeisance is done is denoted by the loc. Here the dat. may also be optionally used, implying the person to whom obeisance is done (§96.b.). e.g.,
atha ca pana samaṇe Gotame evarūpaṃ nipaccakāraṃ karoti S I.178
“even then he performs such low acts of obeisance before the recluse Gotama”;
mayi nipaccakāraṃ karonti yathā Bhagavati M II.124
“they fall prostrate before me as before the Blessed One”;
Bhagavato pādesu sirasā nipatati Vin. II.192
“he falls (prostrate) with his head before the (or at the) feet of the Blessed One”;
karonti kho Vāseṭṭha Sakyā raññe Pasenadimhi Kosale nipaccakāraṃ abhivādanaṃ ... sāmīcikammaṃ D III.83
“the Sākyans, Vāseṭṭha, certainly do obeisance and perform acts of greeting ... before King P. of K.”.
§167. The Partitive Locative.
We have seen that the gen. which is the proper case for expressing the partitive notion is capable of denoting not only  the whole of which a part is meant but also the multitude of persons or things out of which a selection is made (§144; cp. SS §116). With this latter function of the gen. is logically connected the notion of persons (from) amongst whom some are specified, and this is denoted by the loc. case. Hence in this connection the gen. and the loc. are interchangeable (cp. SS ibid). So Kaccāyana has the rule that in expressing specification (i.e. selection or separation) the loc. or the gen. can optionally be used. ‘niddhārane ca’ Kac. 306, enlarged by the vutti as ‘niddhāraṇatthe ca chaṭṭhī vibhatti hoti sattamī ca’. 101 This loc. is therefore in origin different from that which expresses the persons or multitude amid or among whom something (event etc.) takes place or an action is performed (§164.e.). With pure adjectives of the comparative or superlative degree the gen. seems to be preferred (§144.d. & e.), but the loc. is by no means rare with such words as aññatara and adjectives prefixed by bahu- etc. implying comparison.
a. i. When the multitude is denoted by a noun in the plural the loc. is used parallel to the gen. e.g.,
etad anuttariyaṃ bhante padhānesu D III.103,106
“this, Sir, is unique among the exertions”;
imesu pañcasu kāmaguṇesu aññatarasmiṃ M III.114
“in one among these five kinds of pleasures”;
samaṇesu vā samaṇasammatā D II.185
“those held in esteem as recluses among the recluses”;
suttesu bahujāgaro Dh 29
“much awake among the sleeping”;
suttesu jāgarā S I.3 (V.)
“those awake among the sleeping”.
ii. When however the word denoting the multitude is a collective noun (sg.) the loc. is of necessity and the gen. is logically ruled out. e.g.,
tassaṃ parisāyaṃ koci D II.210
“a certain one among the assembly”;
khattiyo seṭṭho jane tasmiṃ ye gotta-paṭisārino M I.358 (V.)
“the warrior is the highest among those people who rely on lineage”.
§168. [Partitive Notions]
The above mentioned option in the use of the loc. or gen. has extended even to other partitive notions. Just as the gen., as pointed out before, is capable of denoting the whole of which a part is meant (by the qualified word), so the loc. may sometimes express that in which (i.e. of which) something else constitutes  a part. It is usually found with verbs having the sense of: i). declaring, saying, calling; ii). thinking, considering, deeming; and iii). assigning, defining and laying down. In general the loc. with these denotes the thing as part of which or as coming under which something else is characterized, thus:
i. With verbs of declaring etc. e.g.,
idaṃ assa musāvādasmiṃ vadāmi A I.206
“I say this is part of his falsehood”;
idaṃ kho ahaṃ Udāyi iñjitasmiṃ vadāmi M I.454
“I declare this, Udāyi, as part of (his) movement”;
vuttaṃ kho pan’ etaṃ bhikkhu mayā yaṃ kiñci vedayitaṃ taṃ dukkhasminti S IV.216
“It has been declared by me, monk, that whatever is known by feeling comes under sorrow”;
idaṃ ahaṃ tesaṃ ... sammohavihārasmiṃ vadāmi M I.21,251
“this I declare as part of the complete delusion in which they ... live”.
Here the Comy. paraphrases the loc. with the acc. (-vihārapariyāpannaṃ vadāmi’ Ps) treating it as being parallel to the complementary acc. found in the double acc. construction with verbs of speaking, thinking, considering etc. (vide §58.b.). The loc. here can reasonably be regarded as a predicative loc.
ii. With verbs of considering etc. e.g.,
nibbānasmiṃ na maññati M I.4
“he, does not think (consider) it as (part of) nibbāna”;
paṭhaviyā na maññati M I.4
“he does not think (it as part of) earth”.
The P.T.S. translation of this passage has “in the earth” for paṭhaviyā, which would be syntactically untenable according to the above explanation.
iii. With verbs of assigning etc. e.g.,
tañca sukhasmiṃ paññāpeti S IV.228
“he lays it down as (part of) happiness”;
na kho āvuso Bhagavā sukhaṃ yeva vedanaṃ sandhāya sukhasmiṃ paññāpeti M I.400
“the Blessed One, friend, does not rank (a thing) as (part of) pleasure just because of pleasant feeling”.
b. In all these examples, it may be observed, the loc. being used parallel to the predicative acc. (of apposition) in fact plays the part of a complement to the main verb of the sentence. The loc. here, as pointed out above (a.), is a part of the predicate.  When the main verb is a form of bhū “to be” the construction appears as a proper predicative loc. i. e.g.,
idaṃ pi assa hoti sīlasmiṃ D I.63
“this is (part of) his goodness”;
idaṃ pi’ ssa hoti caraṇasmiṃ D I.100
“this too is part of his conduct”.
Commenting on the former, Buddhaghosa has ‘idaṃ pi assa bhikkhuno pāṇâtipātāveramaṇī sīlasmiṃ ekaṃ sīlaṃ hoti’ which clearly shows that he regarded the locative as partitive (niddhāraṇatthe). He too points out that it is employed in the sense of the nom. in its complementary role as predicate. ‘paccatta-vacanatthe vā etaṃ bhummaṃ, Mahā-Aṭṭhakathāyaṃ hi idaṃ pi tassa samaṇassa sīlanti ayaṃ eva attho vutto ... idaṃ assa hoti sīlasminti idaṃ assa sīlaṃ hotīti attho’ Sum. I .183.102 The construction accordingly borders on the predicative and partitive notions.
ii. Sometimes the same is found without the verb. Then it forms the actual predicate of the sentence. e.g.,
idaṃ pi me tapasmiṃ D III.44
“this too part of my asceticism”; Comy. ‘idam pi kammaṃ mama eva tapasmiṃ; paccatte vā bhummaṃ idam pi mama tapo ti’ Sum.III.838.103
kiñca bhikkhave bhikkhuno āyusmiṃ D III.77
“what is (the purpose in) life to a monk?”.
With this latter we may compare the gen. used with the phrase ‘ko pana vādo’ (§156.a.).
iii. This same use is sometimes found in more abstract idioms. e.g.,
yathā taṃ bhikkhave avisayasmiṃ M I .85
“because, monks, it does not come within the scope (of ...)”;
idaṃ tesaṃ hoti asanasmiṃ D II.208
“this is the nature Comy. ‘Idaṃ tesaṃ catunnaṃ āsane (v.l. āsanaṃ) hoti’ Sum.II.639. Here the v.l. shows the syntactical confusion of the loc. and the nom. in predicative sense.104 of their sitting (i.e. the order of their seats)”.
In the former the syntactical nature of the loc. is not far from its simple local sense, while in the latter it borders on the loc. of relation.
§169. The Adnominal Locative.
Most of the adverbal uses described in the preceding paragraphs find their logical counterparts in the adnominal application of this case. (cp. KVG §539; SS §135). Of these the great majority are descriptive in sense and stand parallel to the usual gen. of description (§144.d.), to which however the analogy is not restricted. The loc. appears adnominally in the sense of place where, place gone to and the like; in fact it can stand for any of the adverbal uses with a few exceptions. But this does not detract from the validity of the general observation that the  loc. is fundamentally an adverbal case, though its psychological connection with the verb is not so clearly defined as in the other cases. For the loc. is more auxiliary (ādhāraka) to the progress of the action (kriyā) than instrumental (sādhaka).
a. Primarily it is found qualifying a person or thing as the loc. of place where or time at which implied with the notion of living or being conveyed by some such verb understood. e.g.,
parito gāmesu manussā evaṃ āhaṃsu D II.264
“people (living) in the villages all around said thus: ...”;
dasasu lokadhātusu cp. v.l, ‘dasahi lokadhātūhi devatā sannipatitā’ (abl.) D II.283.105 devatā sannipatitā D II.139,255
“gods (living) in ten world-systems being assembled”;
vigatavalāhake deve abhido majjhantika-samayaṃ suriyo M II.42; D II.182
“(like) the heavenly sun in a cloudless sky at noon time”.
b. In the above examples the gen. can be substituted for the loc.. In the following the gen. appears even preferable, though in such instances the loc. is frequently used:
Pakati esā Kassapa lokasmiṃ D I.168
“This (is), Kassapa, the nature of (lit. in) the world”;
cakkhuṃ loke antaradhāvissati D II.140
“the Eye of the World will disappear”;
na c’ assa kāye balamattā D I.72
“he has no strength at all of (lit. in) body”;
loke vivattacchaddo D II.17
“one who has lifted the veil of the world”.
In the last example the loose position of the loc. outside the compound would make the rendering “with regard the world” (taking the loc. as denoting relation) more plausible. But at any rate all the above locatives have the general character of qualifying the nouns to which they are applied.
c. The above observations hold good in the case of the following examples as well, where the loc. is clearly parallel to the gen. of possession though in a markedly abstract sense. We may compare such English usages as ‘the good in ...’ or ‘the fault in’. e.g.,
nekkhamme ānisaṃsaṃ D I.110; II.41
“the advantage of (lit. good in) renunciation”;
iddhipāṭihāriye ādīnavaṃ D I.212
“the evil in the performance of miracles”;
kāmesu ādīnavaṃ D II.274
“the evil in pleasures of the senses”;
jātidhamme ādīnavaṃ viditvā M I.162
“having seen the evil of what is subject to birth”.
d. Apart from such uses, the loc. sometimes may stand for other logical connections as in: sīlesu paripūrakārino D II.202, where the loc. seems to be used for the inst.-like gen. (§149) with verbs of filling, or denotes pure relation. Another adnominal use directly derived from the adverbal construction is found with nouns (substantives and adjectives) having the sense of faith, confidence, and their opposites disgust, doubt, hesitation etc. (§166.c. & d.). There again the notion of relation is quite conspicuous. e.g.,
Buddhe aveccappasādena D II.93
“with inviolable faith in the Buddha”;
Āḷāre Kālāme uḷāraṃ pasādaṃ D III.131
“Great faith in Āḷāra Kālāma”;
mayi kaṅkhā D I.105
“doubt in me”;
kaṅkhā vā vimati vā Buddhe vā dhamme vā saṅghe vā paṭipadāya vā D II.154
“doubt or perplexity concerning the (or in the) Buddha, the Doctrine, the Order or the Path”.
§170. The Dative-like Locative.
We have seen earlier how the loc. sometimes expresses the person or thing towards which an action is directed (§166.c. & f.). Pāli, just as Sanskrit (vide SS §145), extends that idiom to many kindred conceptions, and thus the loc. comes to be employed in such nuances as would otherwise be construable with a dat.. It may stand parallel to such constructions as the dat. of remote object, of advantage and disadvantage, of concern and viewpoint, of possession or the dativus finalis. With some of these conceptions as, for instance, possession, the gen. is capable of being used parallel to the dat..
a. It is concurrent with the dat. of the remote object when used with such verbs as those of giving, bestowing, conferring, devolving and the like. Kaccāyana provides for these and similar uses by the rule sampadāne ca (313), whereby he means that the loc. is also permissible in certain functions of the dat.. Why this optional construction is possible can easily be understood when we consider the psychological relation between such English idioms as ‘give something to a person’ (dat.) and bestow or confer something upon a person’ (loc.). e.g.,
Tathāgate  arahante sammā-sambuddhe dānaṃ deti M III.254 (cp. āyasmante Sāriputte M III.263)
“gives alms to (lit. bestows on) the T., the Saint, the perfectly Enlightened One”;
Saṅghe Gotamī dehi M III.253
“give, Gotamī, to the Order”.
This construction is adnominally found with nouns and participles derived from the root dā. e.g.,
nigaṇṭhesu pi dāne samādapeti M I.379
“he makes (me) give even to the naked ascetics”;
anupanīte dinnaṃ M II.154
“what is given to one uninitiated”.
It may also stand for the dat. of remote object in the double acc. construction with compound verbs having karoti as the second member (§58.c.ii). e.g.,
karonti raññe ... nipaccakāraṃ ... D III.83
“do obeisance to the king ...”,
where the actual verb is nipaccakāraṃ-karoti;
na me tesu bhikkhusu anusāsanī karaṇīyā ahosi M I.124
“there was no advice to be given to those monks by me”.
ii. With verbs such as saṃvidahati “bestow, provide for” and samavossajjati “devolves, confers, on or upon”, the loc. is the more appropriate construction logically though the dat. is not ruled out. e.g.,
Govinde brāhmaṇe sabba-kiccāni samavossajjitvā D II.267
“having devolved all duties on G. the brahmin”;
rakkhā-varaṇaguttiṃ saṃvidahati khattiyesu ... migapakkhīsu A I.110
“he bestows (confers) protection, safety and shelter upon warriors ... and birds and beasts”.
b. It can also stand for the dativus commodi et incommodi. Here in many instances the construction borders on the loc. of relation. e.g.,
abhūtaṃ vacanaṃ ca tasmiṃ rūhati D III.183
“false reports too arise against (or about, regarding) him”;
no ca kumāre bhavissati antarāyo Sn 691
“whether there would be any harm to (on) the prince”;
api nu so puriso evaṃkārī tasmiṃ kulle, kicca-kārī assa M I.135
“But would he in doing so be doing the right thing for (with regard to) the raft”;
attānaṃ āvikattā satthari vā viññūsu vā brahmacārisu vā M II.128
“discloser of himself to the Master, to the wise and the holy”.
c. We discussed elsewhere (§163.a.vi) the abstract use of the loc. as denoting the person in whom something (trait, virtue, fault etc.) is said to exist, with verbs like saṃvijjati etc.. Closely related to it is the loc. found with or implying verbs bhavati and  atthi, which, denoting as it does the thing or person to whom something is attributed, coincides logically with the dat. or gen. of possession. e.g.,
cattāro’ me bhikkhave acchariyā abbhutā dhammā Ānande D II.145
“there are, monks, these four wonderful and marvellous qualities in (to or for) Ānanda”
(i.e. he has these four ...);
tayidam (domanassaṃ) Ghaṭīkāre kumbhakāre natthi na ca bhavissati M II.51
“that too is neither in G. the potter nor will be”
n’atthi c’etaṃ amhesu ... D I.3
“this too is not in us”
(i.e. we do not have this also).
d. In several instances the loc. may even stand as a concurrent idiom for the so-called dativus finalis, especially, as Speyer points out with regard to Skr. (SS §146), for the infinitive-like dat.. It is found:
i. With verbs of wishing, desiring, resolving etc. and nouns denoting longing, eagerness, anxiety etc.
jīvite apekhaṃ karohi D II.191
“quicken thy longing after life”
kāme nâpekkhate cittaṃ Sn 435
“the mind does not long for pleasure;
guttīsu rakkhāvaraṇesu ussuko D III.148
“anxious for the protection and sheltering ...”.
ii. With verbs of inducing, inciting, rousing, directing and training: e.g.,
sakaṃ parisaṃ uyyojesi Bhagavati brahmacariye M I.524
“roused his group for the Higher Life under the Blessed One”
(i.e. “urged them to practise the Higher Life ...”);
ananulomike kāyakamme samādapetvā A I.106
“having directed (him) to improper bodily action”;
dāne samādapeti M I.379
“induces to give ...”;
kumāraṃ rajje samanusāsati M II.75
“he exhorts the prince ... for kingship”;
yannūnâhaṃ Rāhulāṃ āsavānaṃ khaye vineyyaṃ M III.277
“well would it be if I were to train Rāhula for the destruction of the banes”;
cp. parallel idiom with dat. vinayāya sikkhati Sn 974, and with acc. (of purpose or direction) nibbānaṃ sikkhati SN 940,1061. iii. With verbs of employing, ordaining, enjoining, anointing etc. e.g.,
kammante payojeyya D I.71
“he would employ (invest) that for business” (lit. in business);
Govindiye abhisiñcissāmi  D II.232
“I shall anoint (him) for the Chief-Stewardship” (or appoint to ...);
these uses are very much like the simple loc. of place where (the matter in which) and in the following it implies location quite plainly:
pettike taṃ ṭhāne ṭhapayissāmi D II.232
“I shall install him in his paternal office”.
§171. The Instrumental-Like Locative.
The various nuances expressed by the loc. in Pāli just as in Skr., bring it into contact not only with the dat. but even with other cases, especially the inst. Kaccāyana lays down (312) that the loc. is used sometimes in the sense of the inst., the vutti illustrating it with such examples as ‘pattesu piṇḍāya caranti’ and ‘pathesu gacchanti’. There are a good many instances of the loc. concurring with an inst. of means in general, including such divisions of it as that of instrument, cause and even of agency.
sīhassa migarañño vighāse cp. Comy: c. inst. ‘vighāseti vighāsena’ Sum.III.827.106 saṃvaḍḍho jara-sigālo ... D III.24
“the wretch of a fox fattened on (by) the broken meat of the lion, the king of beasts”;
sabbesu dhammesu anuppalitto M I.171
“unsmeared by all things”;
upamāyaṃ idh’ ekacce viññūpurisā bhāsitassa atthaṃ ājānanti A V.194
“by a simile some wise people in this world understand the meaning of what is said”;
so cakkhunā rūpaṃ disvā piyarūpe sārajjati appiyarūpe byāpajjati Usually with the inst. (vide P.T.S. Dict. vyāpajjati).107 M I.266
“seeing an object with his eye he is pleased with the pleasant and irritated by the unpleasant”;
pāde pādena at D II.137,190.108 pādaṃ acchādāya M I.354; D II.137,190
“covering (ā + chād) one foot with the other”;
apadāne sobhati paññā A I.102
“wisdom shines through (in) character”.
b. The loc. also has more or less the instrumental sense of “according to” (vide inst. of cause §68.b.) with words denoting restraint, training or conducting oneself and with the verb naccati “dances”. In the former case it expresses the code or precept according to which (lit. in which, cp. Eng. ‘to be trained in’) one is trained etc. and in the latter denotes that (music, band, orchestra etc.) to the accompaniment of which one dances, sings  etc. e.g.,
pāṭimokkhe saṃvaro D II.50
“restraint in (i.e. according to) the Higher Discipline”;
sikkhati sikkhāpadesu D I.63,250
“trains (himself) in the precepts”;
ariyadhamme avinīto S III.42
“not trained according to the Noble Law”;
carissāma Govindassânusāsane D II.244 (V.)
“we shall conduct ourselves according to the advice of Govinda”;
turiye naccati naṭṭakī Th I.267
“the dancing-girl dances to the (accompaniment of) instrumental music”.
§172. Locative Parallel to the Instrumental-Ablative.
We have seen that in a good many categories there is no actual line of demarcation between the syntactical spheres of the inst. and the abl.. The logical relations expressed by the inst. of separation, of comparison and so on, for instance, properly belong to the logical scope of the abl.. Such points of contact of these two cases find their expression even in their common parallelism with the loc.. In the following instances the loc. is logically concurrent with the abl. but there is at the same time nothing to prevent the substitution of the inst. for the latter. Most of them border on the loc. of relation.
a. In denoting separation:
tassa taṃ cittaṃ hīne vimuttaṃ D III.258
“his mind freed from low things”;
cp. inst. with vimutta (§73.b.);
ko su nāma dāni maṃ imasmiṃ kule paribhindi A IV.87
“who indeed estranged me (broke me away) from this family?”.
Here, it may be remarked, the loc. seems to be preferred to the abl. because the noun expressing the thing from which separation is implied denotes a place. If it were a person the abl. or the inst. would be given preference. Similarly we find such constructions as
kulesu sakkariyamānaṃ D III.44
“being respected in (or by) the families”,
where the inst. of agency would preferably be used if the noun were personal. Similarly:
so taṃ rukkhaṃ mūle chindeyya A I.204
“he would cut that tree at (by, from) the root”.
Here the abl. is actually found. e.g.,
taṃ rukkhaṃ mūlato chetvā M I.366
“having cut that tree from the root”,
where the abl. borders on the notion of side on or at which and that of point from which. It is significant of the syntactical  fusion of these cases that the inst. too occurs, this time coordinately with the loc. in similar context. e.g.,
so taṃ rukkhaṃ mūle chindeyya, mūlena chetvā ... S II.88
“he would cut that tree at the root and having cut it by the root ...”.
b. In denoting cause or means (process through which): e.g.,
Taṃ pi Bhagavā na manasâkasi yathā taṃ anuttare upadhi saṅkhaye vimutto S I.125
“The Blessed One did not even ponder on this, being emancipated through the destruction of the bases of becoming’’.
Here saṅkhayā would be the usual construction or rarely saṅkhayena, i.e., the abl. or the inst. of cause. These varied uses of the same idiom show the futility of attempting to treat of syntax according to absolute categories. The same relation may be expressed in many different ways according to the context, mostly determined by the principal verb of each sentence. This goes to support the observation that the laws governing syntactical change are psychological and not merely logical.
§173. The Ablative-Like Locative.
Apart from the above uses where the loc. can be explained either by the abl. or the inst., it is frequently employed in some other functions properly belonging to the abl.. Most of these uses too border on the loc. of relation and some even on that of cause (nimitta).
a. It is chiefly found with verbs of receiving and obtaining such as labhati, and those of expecting, seeking, learning such as paccāsiṃsati and uggaṇhāti (cp. KVG §538.1.). e.g.,
Atha kho Raṭṭhapālo kulaputto mātāpitūsu pabbajjaṃ alabhamāno M II.57.
“Thereupon, Raṭṭhapāla, the householder’s son not obtaining permission to leave home from (lit. at, i.e. at the hands of) his parents”;
api nu so labhetha brāhmaṇesu āsanaṃ vā udakaṃ vā ti D I.98
“would he receive a seat or water (for washing the feet) from the brahmins (at the hands of the brahmins)”;
kiṃ pana ... bhikkhu-saṅgho mayi paccāsiṃsati D II.100
“what indeed ... does the Order of monks expect from  (of) me”.
The prefix pati-, it may be observed, being a karmapravacanīya, should normally be construed with the acc., gen. or the abl. (vide Pāṇ. II.3.11). The abl. however is not found in the Nikāyas. The gen. (or the acc.) occurs side by side with the loc. e.g.,
na ... sāvakesu anusāsaniṃ paccāsiṃsāmi mama (v.l. mamaṃ) yeva sāvakā anusāsaniṃ paccāsiṃsanti M II.10
“nor ... do i seek instruction from my disciples, it is they who seek instruction from me”.
b. The loc. is also used with verbs and nouns of fearing, trembling etc. to show the source from which fear is anticipated (or in which it arises). Here the abl. as well as the gen. can be concurrent. The loc. in these instances too can be regarded as denoting cause or relation (nimitta-sattamī). The construction however is mostly found in verse. e.g.,
etaṃ bhayaṃ maraṇe pekkhamāno S I.2
“anticipating this fear from (lit. in) death”;
maraṇe me bhayaṃ natthi Th 1.20
“I have no fear from (lit. in) death”;
anumattesu vajjesu bhayadassāvī D I.63
“seeing fear (danger) even in the smallest vices”;
sīho va saddesu asantasanto Sn 71
“not trembling at sounds like the lion”;
asantasaṃ jīvitasaṅkhayamhi Sn 74
“not trembling at (the prospect of) the end of life”.
c. Pāli grammarians regard the loc. found with verbs of disappearing etc. as being used instead of the abl. of separation. Kaccāyana, by the aphorism yena vā ’dassanaṃ (276), allows optional construing with the abl. or the loc. such words as antarahito. But the loc. can be regarded in such examples as expressive, abstractly no doubt, of the place in which the action of disappearing or vanishing takes place. Here we have one more instance of a syntactical change brought about by a difference in viewpoint which is psychological. e.g.,
bodhirukkhamūle antarahito D II.4
“disappearing from (lit. at) the foot of the tree of Enlightenment”;
evam evaṃ brahmaloke antarahito Bhagavato purato pāturahosi S I.137
“in this wise disappearing from the world of the Brahmas he manifested himself before the Blessed One”.
§174. The Locative of Cause and Relation.
It has been shown earlier, especially with regard to the adnominal and the abl.-, inst.- and the dat.-like locatives, that the loc. in those instances usually borders on the abstract notion of place where and that of relation (the thing concerning or regarding which). In some instances, such as the inst.-like loc., the ‘relation’ expressed even implied cause. In fact there is no real boundary-line separating the nimitta-sattamī the name given to the loc. denoting cause, motive or purpose by local grammarians – and that denoting relation. The former seems to be but a division of the latter’s sphere of application. The following distinctions are made merely for the sake of convenience and do not affect the logical unity underlying all such uses.
a. The Loc. of Relation in Pāli has a pronounced employment as compared with its almost negligible occurrence in the older language (cp. Speyer SS §141.6). Speyer refers to it only in its narrow sense of ‘the point in which’. In most instances it can be rendered by the Eng. phrases such as ‘concerning, as regards, in the matter of, with regard to’ and the like. The relation expressed is usually with regard to the whole statement, in which case the loc. is adverbal. e.g.,
Iti-h-idaṃ Sakuludāyissa paribbājakassa parisā Sakuludāyiṃ paribbājakaṃ antarāyam akāsi Bhagavati brahmacariye M II.39
“In such wise did the wanderer Sakuludāyi’s company oppose him in the matter of (practising) the Higher Life under the Blessed One’’;
pubbe ananussutesu dhammesu cakkhuṃ udapādi D II.32
“insight arose regarding previously unheard of things’’.
In some instances, while the notion of relation is not lacking, the loc. may be rendered by ‘on’ or even ‘in’. e.g.,
ekaccesu ṭhānesu sameti D I.162
“there is agreement on (i.e. concerning) certain points”;
ālokite vilokite sampajānakāri hoti M I.57
“he acts mindfully with regard to (lit. in) looking forward or sideways”;
abhikkante ... sampajānakāri D II.95
“acting mindfully in going ...”.
In the last two examples the loc. being of present participles has also the temporal sense of “when”. 
b. But sometimes the ‘relation’ implied may be only with regard to a particular thing expressed by one word in the sentence, in which case it is adnominal. e.g.,
indriyesu gutta-dvāro D I.63
“having guarded doors with regard to the senses”;
kāmesu micchâcārā D II.13
“wrong conduct with regard to the pleasures of sense”;
aparapaccayā satthu-sāsane D II.14
“independent of others as regards the message of the Master”.
In such instances the loc. can be even translated by the Eng. ‘in’, but nonetheless it is expressive of relation rather than of the notion where, however much abstract it may be in sense. To this class also belongs the loc. attending on the phrase ‘ko pana vādo’, denoting the person with regard to or about whom the speaking is implied. We have referred to its use with the gen. earlier (§156.a.). e.g.,
ko pana vādo manussabhūte A I.161
lit. “what talk about a human-being?”
(implying “it is unnecessary to talk about a human-being or in the case of a human-being”).
§175. [Further Uses]
There are many other modifications of the same idiom too varied to be treated exhaustively. The following division serves a practical purpose:
a. In the adnominal use this loc. seems to border on the gen. on the whole. It is found with such nouns (substantives and adjectives) of ability and skill as kusala, kevala, kovida, katāvī etc. which we have earlier discussed under the gen. (§151.a). Kaccāyana enjoins the promiscuous use of the two cases with such words. ‘sāmissarâdhipati-dāyādasakkhi-paṭibhū-pasutakusalehi ca’ (305).109 The loc. however is not so copiously attested in the Nikāyas as the gen.. The former seems to be employed only when the notion of relation is conspicuous. e.g.,
hatthasmiṃ pi katāvī assasmiṃ pi katāvā ... M II.69
“experienced with regard to (the riding of) the horse as well as the elephant”.
b. The same loc. is sometimes found employed, as in Skr. (cp. SS §141.6.), to denote the quality, art, etc. in which one excels, is weak, equal or unequal, or that in point of which one is distinguished as pure, defiled etc. e.g.,
añño samaṇo vā brāhmaṇo vā Bhagavato bhiyyo ’bhiññataro yadidaṃ sambodhiyaṃ D III.99
“another recluse or brahmin much more penetrating in point of enlightenment  than the Blessed One”;
evaṃ so tasmiṃ ṭhāne parisuddho hoti D III.46
“thus as regards this point he is pure”.
c. With various verbs of speaking, explaining, preaching, asking, disputing, conversing etc. the loc. denotes the topic or subject on, about, over or regarding which the speaking etc. is done. This seems to border on the nimitta-sattamī more than any other loc. of relation, especially in its application with verbs of asking. e.g.,
Bhagavā dhammaṃ deseti kusalesu dhammesu D III.102
“the Blessed One preaches the Doctrine with regard to the good things”;
Bhagavā dhammaṃ deseti padhānesu D III.103 et. seq.
“the Blessed One preaches (the Doctrine) on (the subject of) exertions”;
... uppattīsu vyākaroti D II.201
“makes declarations as to (regarding) the births ...”;
pucchāmi Brāhmāṇaṃ Sanaṃkumāraṃ ... paravediyesu D II.241
“I question the Brahmā S. on matters others would fain know”,
where the loc. is used in place of the usual acc. in the double acc. construction with pucchāmi (§58.e.); but sometimes this loc. of relation occurs with the double acc. e.g.,
Tatra maṃ aññataro tāpasa brahmacāri Nigrodho nāma adhijigucche pañhaṃ pucchi D I.176
“there a certain ascetic-student named Nigrodha asked me about ‘the higher forms of austere scrupulousness of life’ (P.T.S.)”;
ko nu kho pahoti samaṇena Gotamena saddhiṃ asmiṃ vacane paṭimantetuṃ M II.147
“who can dispute with recluse G. on this topic?”;
abhisaññā-nirodhe kathā udapādi D I.177
“the talk fell on the (lit. arose concerning the) higher cessation of perception”.
Similar is the loc. with anusāsati “instructs”. e.g.,
khattiye ... rajje anusāsi D II.236
“instructed the princes ... on kingship”.
§176. The Locative of Reason and Motive.
From the last two paragraphs it may be observed that the loc. in some instances not only denoted relation (the thing regarding which) but even implied a causal notion at the same time (the thing on account of which). It is curious how the local grammarians while overlooking the wider category of relation – Kaccāyana ‘sāmissarâdhipati-dāyādasakkhi-paṭibhū-pasutakusalehi ca’ (305).110 only mentions specifically the loc. with words like  sāmi but does not seem to have grasped the fundamental unity of conception as we understand by the notion of relation – had observed and provided for the comparatively rare use which they call the nimitta-sattamī. ‘kammakaraṇanimittatthesu sattamī’ Kac. 312.111 We do not agree with Speyer (SS §148) in his inclusion of the loc. of reference (i.e. relation) in the nimitta-sattamī of the Indian grammarians. On the other hand the conception of the orthodox school merely constitutes a division of the wider category of relation. But he is undoubtedly justified in postulating a logical connection between the dat.-like loc. and the so-called nimitta-sattamī. The former denotes the spot towards which there is movement and this may be applied broadly to signify the person or thing towards whom or which some action is directed in other terms, that on account of which something is done. He adds: “Speaking exactly, the dat.-like loc is but a consequence of this general faculty to denote that about which one is engaged” (SS §147.IV.). The conventional examples ‘dīpi cammesu haññate’ and ‘kuñjaro dantesu haññate’ common to both Skr. and Pāli grammarians; vide Kāś. on Pāṇ. II.3.36 and vutti on Kac. 312, Mog.II.35.112 of the grammarians, which Speyer himself follows, do not however occur in the canonical literature. In its simplest form it signifies the cause for some action as, for instance, in:
sarīrabhaṅge Comy. ‘sarīra-bhaṅga-nimittaṃ dhātu-koṭṭhāsa hetu’ Sum.II.60.113 siyā sampahāro D II.166 (V.)
“there would be a quarrel over the distribution of the relics”;
mama sāvakā adhisīle sambhāventi M II.9
“the disciples respect me for my higher virtue”
(cp. adhipaññāya M II.10);
idha khattiyā khattiyaṃ kismicid eva pakaraṇe Comy. ‘kismicid eva dose’ Sum. I .267.114 khuramuṇḍaṃ karitvā D I.98
“the princes having inflicted the punishment of shaving off the head on one (of their fellows) for some offence or other ...”;
kismiñci-d-eva karaṇe ... jīvitā voropesuṃ A IV.65
“killed (him) ... for some offence (matter) or other”.
§177. [Further Uses]
a. With words denoting love, hatred, sympathy, antipathy, friendship, enmity, anger, pity, compassion and jealousy etc., Pāli just as Skr. (SS §148) employs a loc. similar to the nimitta-sattamī. The sense of “towards, against, for” is here quite conspicuous. e.g.,
atthi me tumhesu anukampā M I.12
“I have pity on (towards) you”;
sattesu kāruññataṃ paṭicca D II.38
“owing to (his) compassion for beings”;
sabrahmacārīsu kupito  A V.80; M I.101
“angered with (against) the co-celibates”;
purisesu mānasaṃ D II.13
“a love for (other) men”;
aññamaññaṃ cittāni padūsenti D I.20
“set their hearts at enmity against each other”;
paralābhasakkāragarukāramānanavandanapūjanāsu issati upadussati issaṃ bandhati A II.203
“he is jealous for, angered against and breeds envy towards the gain, honour, respect, worship and homage that others receive”.
b. Under the abstract use of the loc. (vide §163.a.vi.) we may also place the following where the loc. though capable of being rendered by the Eng. ‘in’, is still syntactically far removed from the pure local or temporal function:
porohacce rame D II.243
“I delight in the office of chaplain”;
tasmā ’haṃ na gehe rame D II.243
“therefore I do not delight in (life at) home”.
Here the inst. is the concurrent idiom (§71.a). When, however, it occurs with the past participles of such verbs as ramati, yuñjati and others like niviṭṭha, gathita, giddha and even pure adjectives of the type of piya and manāpa, the loc. logically borders on the nimitta-sattamī (cp. SS §148). e.g.,
ucchepake vate ratā M II.7
“devoted to (engaged in) the vow of eating the leavings”;
amussā itthiyā sāratto M II.224
“attached to this woman”;
abhirato paviveke D I.60
“devoted to solitude”;
adhicitte yuttaṃ M I.451
“attached to (engaged in) higher thought”;
hatapahate niviṭṭho M I.286
“given to killing and slaying”;
pañcakāma-guṇe gathitā D I.246
“intoxicated with the five-fold pleasure of sense”;
kāmesu giddho D III.107
“avaricious for pleasures of the sense”.
All these are included in the general category of relation.
§178. [Loc. of Disposition]
In general the loc. may denote a disposition or behaviour towards somebody (cp. SS §149). Then it is synonymous, as Speyer points out, with the construction paṭi + acc. (cp. Pāṇinī example ‘Devadatta sādhur mātari or mātaraṃ prati’, corresponding to which Moggallāna gives ‘sādhu Devadatto mātaramabhi’ II.10). In the Nikāyas the most conspicuous use of this idiom is with the verbs paṭipajjati and some other compounds of the same root. e.g.,
kathaṃ mayā bhante mātugāme  paṭipajjāmāti D II.141
“how shall we, Sir, conduct ourselves towards the women-folk?”;
tathārūpāsu (kaññāsu) cārittaṃ āpajjitā hoti M I.268
“he commits misbehaviour even towards such (girls)”.
But this loc, is not restricted to such verbs alone. It may occur wherever the notion of towards someone is implied by the predicate. Such idioms as ‘cittaṃ āghātetī’, ‘samannesanaṃ karoti’ and ‘daṇḍaṃ nidahati’ are always construed with a loc. of the person, perhaps with the exception of the first where the dat. is not an unlikely alternative. In the other two the loc. is actually due to the sense of the noun and not to any peculiarity of the verbs karoti and nidahati. e.g.,
Sāriputta-Moggallānesu cittaṃ āghātetvā S I.151
“having incited his heart to hatred against Sāriputta and Moggallāna”;
... Tathāgate samannesanā kātabbā M I.317
“... a search should be directed towards the Tathāgata”;
sabhesu bhūtesu nidhāya daṇḍaṃ Sn 35
“having laid aside the weapon against all beings”.
§179. The Locative with Local and Temporal Sense.
a. The Loc. of Distance. The loc. may denote not only place where but also the distance at which one thing or fact is from another (cp. SS §144.9). According to orthodox grammarians the loc. or the acc. can optionally be used to denote distance vide Speyer SS §144.R.1. citing Patañjali I. p. 455.115 but if an internal of time is to be signified the loc. alone is to be used. In denoting space the loc. can stand not only for the Eng. ‘at’ but also for ‘within ‘. e.g.,
yannūnâhaṃ imāsu tālantarikāsu dhanu-sate dhanu-sate pokkharaṇīyo māpeyyaṃ D II.178
“well would it be if I were to cause ponds to be constructed in the spaces between these palms at every hundred bow-lengths”;
suneyyāma taṃ Bhagavantaṃ dasasu yojanesu M II.90
“if we could but hear that Blessed One within or at (a distance of) ten leagues (sci. from here)”.
In this idiom the point from which distance is counted is denoted by the abl. and the loc. marks the intervening space implied between the two limits of reckoning ab quo and ad quem.
§180. [The Loc. of Time]
The Loc. of Time. This is, generally speaking, only a narrow division of the broader conception of the loc. of  circumstance which also includes the absolute use. Logically no strict line of demarcation can be drawn between the idea of time at which and that of circumstance under which something happens. So even Kaccāyana has one rule for both functions, viz., kālabhāvesu ca (315) which the vutti explains as meaning that the loc. should be employed to signify the time (kāla) in which or the circumstance (bhāva) under which the agent performs the action. ‘kālabhāvesu ca kattari payujjamāne sattamī vibhatti hoti’.116 Since the latter includes under this loc. such examples as ‘pubbaṇhasamaye gato’ and also others of the type of ‘gosu duyhamānāsu gato’ (absolute) and ‘duddhāsu āgato’ (circumstance), it is clear that according to the orthodox tradition the loc. absolute and that of circumstance were regarded as distinct variations of the same loc. of time. This last denotes such notions as the time in or at which or within which and is the logical counterpart of the loc. of place where for it similarly expresses when an action takes place. The acc. is here the concurrent idiom (§46). e.g.,
tāyaṃ velāyaṃ imaṃ udānaṃ udānesi D II.136
“at that time the Blessed One uttered this solemn utterance”;
yasmiṃ samaye uppajjanti saññī tasmiṃ samaye hotī ti D I.180
“at which time the perceiving arise at that time it exists”;
tāsu tās’ veva jātisu D II.91 (V.)
“in various births ...”
§181. [The Loc. of Circumstance]
The Loc. of Circumstance, as pointed out before, is the general conception under which the notions of time at which etc. are included. In the case of the temporal loc., as may be seen from the foregoing examples, the word in the loc. is always one that denotes time such as samaya, velā, kāla, jāti etc., but when implying circumstance it is not necessarily so. Generally it denotes the circumstance (accompanying the prevailing event) under which the action comes to pass (cp. Speyer SS §143.8). e.g.,
tathārūpāsu āpadāsu bhogehi pariyodhāya vattanti A II.68
“In such (times of) distress they safeguard themselves by means of the wealth (in reserve)”;
app’ ekadā nimantane pi bhuñjāmi sālīnaṃ odanaṃ ... M II.7
“at other times I partake of the meals of rice ... at the invitation (of someone else)”;
etarahi vā mamaccaye vā attadīpā viharissanti S V.154
“now or on my  demise they will live as islands unto themselves”.
In the last two examples the loc. is interchangeable with the inst.. In fact the second accaye has as v.l. the form accayena which is regularly employed elsewhere. Sometimes this borders on the loc. of relation. e.g.,
Dutiye ca ... antânantaṃ lokassa paññāpenti D I.22
“Even in the second case ... they maintain that the world is finite or infinite”;
kasmā na paridevesi evarūpe mahabbhaye Th. 1.706
“why do you not lament at (in time of) such great danger”;
maraṇasmiṃ na socati Th. 1.712
“he does not grieve (in time of or) over death”.
Under this loc. Speyer places the word kāle “in due time” which occurs in Pāli only in gāthā as the concurrent idiom for kālena which is usually found in prose. e.g.,
annañca laddhā vasanañca kāle Sn 971
“having received food and raiment in due time”.
§182. The Locative Absolute.
The absolute construction of any case plays the part of a subordinate clause to the principal sentence. As regards the origin of this employment there is diversity of opinion. We have seen that the absolute use of the gen. does not represent an isolated construction but there is a logical connection between it and the main sentence. It is either temporal or has the sense of notwithstanding or in spite of (§158). In the case of the loc. too the temporal idea seems to be the main significance of the absolute construction. Macdonell thinks that it started from the ordinary use of the loc. (VGS §205.1). Combined with a participle it came to be regarded as a temporal or qualifying (i.e. adverbial) clause where the noun alone could not be employed. But Speyer traces the origin of the absolute notion to the participial employment (SS §365). According to him, the loc. of the participle is the essential factor in it and the nominal portion is just accessory. The fact, however, seems to lie midway between these two views. The fundamental function of any absolute case is, broadly speaking, to denote an attendant circumstance (vide inst. of attendant circumstance bordering on an absolute use §68.d.). It differs from the simple temporal  or modal use of a case only in the predicative character of the participle. Since the latter’s presence makes it virtually a clause separate from the main sentence having a predicate of its own, it is regarded as freed or detached (absolutus) from the construction of the rest of the sentence. But there is always a logical connection betwen the two. Logically it is parallel to the adverbial use of the case involved and as such may be temporal, modal, conditional, hypothetical, causal or concessive. It may be remarked that the participle thus construed is either a present or a past passive one. The future participle is never employed in this connection nor others which lack the adjectival quality such as the active past participle, since these cannot agree with the substantive put in the oblique case (cp. SS §365). These two factors of the absolute construction are called its subject and predicate. The loc. absolute is a frequent idiom in Pāli and appears in various nuances, some of which are syntactically much involved. We may notice the following distinctions:
§183. [Examples of Loc. Abs.]
a. In its simple temporal sense, it does not vary much from the loc. of time except in the presence of the participle. e.g.,
Atha kho Pañcasikho Gandhabba-putto abhikkantāya rattiyā ... yena Bhagavā ten’ upasaṅkami D II.220
“Thereupon Pañcasikha, the (son of the) heavenly musician, when the night was far spent ... came whither the Blessed One was”;
idha pana bhikkhave bhikkhu rattiyā nikkhantāya divase paṭihite iti paṭisañcikkhati ... A IV.321.
“Here, brethren, a monk, when the night is over and the day has set in, reflects thus ...”;
tasmiṃ tasmiñca kālakate Tathāgataṃ upasaṅkamitvā ... D II.93
“when this or that person is dead he approaches the Tathāgata ...”.
b. While having the temporal sense, especially with the present participle, the loc. absolute may denote the circumstance that attends on or accompanies the main action. e.g.,
ukkāsu dhāriya-mānāsu Rājagahamhā niyyāsi D I.49
“he set out from R. while torches were being held”
(or with torches being held ...). Such clauses are usually rendered in English by the participial clause ‘torches being held, he left R.’. Similarly:
imasmiṃ ca pana  veyyākaraṇasmiṃ bhaññamane sahassī loka-dhātu akampittha D I.46; II.288
“while this explanation was being delivered a thousand world systems shook”;
setamhi chatte anuhīramāne sabbā ca disā viloketi D II.15
“he looked on all the regions while a canopy was held over him”;
saṅghasmiṃ bhijjamānasmiṃ nâññaṃ bhiyyo amaññatha M III.154 (V.)
“the Order (i.e. the Church) being in (the course of) disruption they did not think of others”.
The absolute loc. denoting simultaneity may also be included under this group. e.g.,
Parinibbute Bhagavati saha parinibbānā bhūmicālo ahosi D II.156
“Simultaneously with the passing away of the Blessed One there was an earthquake”;
ossaṭṭhe ca Bhagavato āyusaṅkhāre mahā-bhūmicālo ahosi D II.106
“with the renouncing of his vital element (i.e. when he shook off the sum of his remaining life) by the Blessed One there was a great earthquake”.
c. In the last two examples the absolute phrase represents an action or process immediately preceding that of the main sentence and may be rendered “as soon as, no sooner than” etc. Hence the loc. absolute is used in a general way to denote the time since or after which some action is supposed to take place. It is frequently found with such formations as ‘acira-pakkante’ etc. where a time-denoting word is compounded with the participle, in which case it is completely identical with the gen. absolute in its temporal function (§158.c.). e.g.,
Atha kho Bhagavā acirapakkante Vajjiyamāhite gahapatimhi bhikkhū āmantesi A V.192 cp. D II.204; M I.192
“Thereupon, not long after the householder V. had departed, the Blessed One addressed the monks”;
Ekaṃ samayaṃ āyasmā Ānando Sāvatthiyaṃ viharati ... aciraparinibbute Bhagavati D I.204
“Once the ven. Ānanda was living at S. not long after the Blessed One had passed away”;
aciraparinibbutesu Sāriputta-Moggallānesu S V.163
“not long since S. and M. had passed away”;
sattāha-pabbajite ... rājisimhi dibbaṃ cakkaratanaṃ antaradhāyi D III.60
“seven days after the Royal Sage had left home, the divine Jewel of the Wheel disappeared”;
sattāha-jāte Ānanda Bodhisatte Bodhisatta-mātā kālaṃ karoti D III.14; M III.12
“seven days after the Bodhisatta is born, Ānanda, his mother dies”.
d. Sometimes when the main sentence is a negative statement the subordinate clause expressed by the loc. absolute construction may denote “even when, i.e. in spite of or notwithstanding” as much as the gen. absolute expressive of anādara (§158.a.). e.g.,
deve vassante deve gaḷagaḷāyante vijjutāsu niccharantīsu asaniyā phalantiyā n’ eva passeyya n’ eva saddaṃ suṇeyya D II.131
“even when the rain is falling, torrents are pouring, lightning is issuing and thunder is pealing he would not see or hear a sound”;
evaṃ pi kho āyasmā Ānando Bhagavatā oḷārike nimitte kayiramāne ... nâsakkhi paṭivijjituṃ D II.103
“even when a material (ample) sign was made by the Blessed One, the ven. Ānanda was not able to realize ...”;
evaṃ pariyāya desite kho Ānanda mayā dhamme ye aññamaññassa subhāsitaṃ sulapitaṃ na samanumaññissanti S IV.225
“those who, Ānanda, do not respect the well-spoken words of each other even when the Doctrine has been methodically preached by me”.
In these examples the sense of anādara is emphasized by the presence of eva or evaṃ, just as the temporal sense is supplemented in the following by the insertion of atha at the beginning of the main sentence:
Asmīti kho pana bhikkhave adhigate atha pañcannaṃ indriyānaṃ avakkanti hoti S III.46
“when (the thought) ‘I am’ is conceived, then, there is the appearance of the five sense-organs”.
§184. [Non-Temporal Meaning of the Loc. Abs.]
As pointed out above the temporal notion is not the only idea expressed by the loc. absolute. It includes many other shades of meaning.
a. For instance, it may stand for an adverbial clause denoting cause as those which in English begin with ‘because, as a result of, since’. e.g.,
Mā kho tvaṃ tāta dibbe cakka-ratane antara-hite anattamano hoti D III.60
“do not be disheartened, dear one, because the divine Jewel of the Wheel has disappeared”;
ettakamhi vā dukkhe nijjiṇṇe sabbaṃ dukkhaṃ nijjiṇṇaṃ bhavissati M I.93
“as a result of so much sorrow being exhausted all grief comes to an end”;
Govinde brāhmaṇe kālakate rājā Disampati paridevesi D II.231
“when (implying because) the brahmin G.  died King D. lamented”;
evaṃ h’ etaṃ Mahāli hoti bhikkhuno puratthimāya disāya ekaṃsa-bhāvite samādhimhi D I.153
“Thus it occurs to the monk, Mahāli, as a result of self-collectedness being developed with regard to the eastern quarter”.
b. It may also signify a condition that exists or should exist for the fulfilment of the main action, which may be rendered by such expressions as ‘if, on condition, provided that’ etc. This construction is not logically very different from the above (cause).
Bhave kho sati jāti hoti D II.31
“when (if, on condition that) there is becoming, there is birth”;
kimhi nu kho asati jarāmaraṇaṃ na hoti S II.7
“which being absent (if what is absent) is there no decay and death?”;
kismiṃ sati piyāppiyaṃ na hoti D II.277
“what being present is there no (difference of) pleasant and unpleasant?”.
ii. When the main sentence is interrogative the subordinate clause represents a hypothetical condition as those with ‘supposing, now if’ etc. in English. e.g.,
dassane Bhagavā sati kathaṃ paṭipajjitabbaṃ D II.141
“supposing there is seeing how should we behave?”;
tasmiṃ akaraṇīye kayiramāne ko ādīnavo pāṭikaṅkho ti A I.57
“supposing something that should not be done is committed (by him) what (consequence) should be expected?”.
iii. In this stereotyped absolute construction with sati not rarely we find in the Nikāyas a plural subject made to agree with the singular participal predicate (sati). This is grammatically due to the fact that atthi is not seldom found in Pāli just as in Skr. used with plural subject, (cp. s.v. atthi P.T.S. Dict.). e.g.,
pādesu sati abhikkama-paṭikkamo paññāyati S IV.171
“when there are feet, movement (lit. going and coming) appears”;
tesu ākāresu tesu liṅgesu ... asati ... D II.62
“were there no modes, features ...”.
This use of the singular predicate for plural in the (loc.) absolute construction is, however, more than a mere grammatical peculiarity. It exists even in other I.E. languages. Otto Jesperson points out in his ‘Philosophy of Grammar’ that there is such a construction in Spanish (p. 129).117
§185. [Loc. Abs. with Adjectives]
In the examples discussed in the preceding paragraphs the loc. absolute construction without exception consisted of the subject-part which can be either a noun substantive or pronoun (or even a noun clause as in ‘asmi ti kho pana bhikkhave adhigate ...’ S III.46), and the predicate-part which is usually a participle. It is however not necessary that the predicate of the absolute loc. should be always a participle. Just as a noun (adjective or substantive) can stand as predicate of an independent clause or sentence, so in the absolute construction some such word with a predicative force may stand for the verbal element. Nearly always it is an adjective or, as in some of the examples referred to, a participle used as an adjective (cp. samāhite, nijjiṇṇe in a.). Adjectival compounds are frequently employed in this role. e.g.,
pañca-vassa-satâyukesu bhikkhave manussesu tayo dhammā vepullaṃ agamaṃsu D III.70
“when men were of five hundred years life-span three things increased”;
te atīra-dakkhiṇiyā nāvāya tīra-dassiṃ sakuṇaṃ muñcanti D I.222
“when the ship is so far that the shore is not visible they let free a bird that finds the shore”.
In most cases, however, the predicate is incomplete without some such loc. of a participle as sati, ṭhite etc.. But this want is not always felt. e.g.,
bahukamhi thokaṃ denti paṇītamhi lūkhaṃ denti A IV.10
“there being much they give little, and there being excellent (food) they give gross (food)”.
§186. [Loc. Abs. in Stick Phrases]
Occasionally the subject-part of the absolute construction is to be understood. This is especially so in the case of the stock-phrases evaṃ sati, evaṃ sante etc. (cp. acc. absolute: evaṃ santaṃ D I.186; vide §56). e.g.,
evaṃ sante tassa purisassa appāṭihīrakataṃ bhāsitaṃ sampajjati D I.193
“when this is so that person’s talk appears (lit. becomes) foolish”.
But it is not seldom found with other participles usually of ‘intransitive’ verbs. e.g.,
Evaṃ vutte te bhikkhū Bhagavantaṃ etad avocuṃ D I.1
“when (it) was said thus those monks replied to the Blessed One”.
A similar construction is found in: Saṅghe Gotami dehi, saṅghe te dinne ahañc’ eva pūjito bhavissāmi saṅgho ca M III.253, where the second ‘saṅghe’ is just loc. of person given  to (§170.a) and not the loc. of the absolute construction. In the following example the loc. sg. ‘vimuttasmiṃ’ also appears to be employed absolutely:
ariyasāvako ... virāgā vimuccati, vimuttasmiṃ vimuttaṃ iti ñāṇaṃ hoti M I.500
“the noble disciple ... is freed through detachment, when free he obtains the knowledge that there is freedom”;
cp. avijjâsavā pi cittaṃ vimuccati, vimuttasmiṃ vimuttaṃ iti ñāṇaṃ hoti M I.184; III.20.
a. When the participle which is the predicate of the absolute construction is passive it may be sometimes attended by the agent, i.e., the logical subject of the verb represented by the participle, the grammatical subject being either put into the loc. or not expressed at all. e.g.,
yo bhikkhave Tathāgatena evaṃ ācikkhiyamāne ... na passati S III.139
“who (ever), monks, does not see ... when it is being thus pointed out by the Tathāgata”;
vandite Here ‘vandite’ refers to citako which is the subject of the principal sentence. Such agreement is not idiomatic. Nom. ‘vandito’ would be better. Cp. Apte ‘Guide’ p. 81 footnote.118 ca pana āyasmatā Mahā-Kassapena ... sayaṃ eva Bhagavato citako pajjali D II.164
“when worshipped by the ven. Mahā-Kassapa ... the funeral pyre of the Blessed One blazed forth by itself”.
In the last example the loc. (vandite) can not be strictly regarded as absolute for the construction can stand even if it were the nom. (vandito). Here we have an interesting link in the development of the absolute use from the participial construction (cp. Speyer SS §365). The loc. here is used with a temporal significance (when worshipped). Such temporal employment of the locative sg. of participles is not unusual in Pāli. e.g.,
supinante pi nâgamā Sn 293
“he did not come even in a dream (lit. even in or while dreaming”
where the Comy. has ‘supinenâpi na agamāsi’ (Pj. II.318).
b. Sometimes it is very doubtful whether the construction is absolute or whether the loc. involved is just temporal or local. This is especially the case when the words in the loc. are such as denoting time or place. e.g.,
samvaṭṭamāne loke yebhuyyena sattā ābhassara-saṃvaṭṭanikā honti D III.28
“when the world is evolving or in the evolving world the beings on the whole tend to be radiant”;
Seyyathâpi nāma saradasamaye viddhe vigatavalāhake deve ādicco ... bhāsate ca tapate ca virocate ca S I.65
“Just as in autumn when the sky is clear and free from  clouds (or in a clear, cloudless sky) the sun shines bright, warm and brilliant”.
§187. The Adverbial Locative.
a. Many locatives, especially of words denoting time and space (place), have acquired the character of adverbs (cp. SS §150). In the sentence they are mostly found as separate elements qualifying the action as denoted by the main verb.
i. The most frequent adverbial locatives in the Nikāyas are those of proximity or the opposite, generally denoting where, such as santike, avidūre and sammukhe. As pointed out before (§150), these usually agree with the gen. of the preceding noun which limits the sense of the adverb. e.g.,
Bhagavato santike imaṃ gāthaṃ abhāsi D II.254
“he uttered this verse in the presence (lit. proximity) of the Blessed One”;
Atha kho Brahmāyussa brāhmaṇassa avidūre ambavanassa etad ahosi M II.141
“then this thought occurred to the brahmin B. (when he was) not far from the mango-grove”;
Anuruddhassa sammukhe pāturahosi S V.294; D II.206
“appeared in front of Anuruddha”.
These adverbs can be used even with verbs of motion denoting the place gone to. e.g.,
pahiṇeyyāsi tvaṃ Ānanda Vaggumudātiriyānaṃ bhikkhūnaṃ santike dūtaṃ Ud 26
“send (you), Ānanda, a messenger to the (presence of) V. monks”.
ii. The above sense of place gone to is mostly expressed by the pronominal forms kuhiṃ, kahaṃ, yahiṃ etc. derived from kasmiṃ, yasmiṃ etc. These are used exactly like kutra, yatra, mostly with verbs of motion. e.g.,
kuhiṃ gamissasīti D II.343
“where will you go?”;
kahaṃ nu kho ... bhavaṃ Gotamo viharati D I.150
“where does the ven. Gotama live now?”;
yahiṃ yahiṃ tantaṃ Tathāgato sukhasmiṃ paññāpeti M I.400
“in relation to whichever (thing) the Tathāgata lays down this or that as part of happiness”.
iii. A peculiar use of the adverbial loc. is found in -agge (Skr. agre “at the head”; cp. SS §150) which in Pāli has acquired the sense of “since”. It is mostly found as the second member of  an adverbial compound. e.g.,
ajjatagge pāṇupetaṃ saraṇaṃ gataṃ M I.368
“taken refuge for life from today (i.e. from now on till life lasts)”;
yadagge ahaṃ Mahāli Bhagavantaṃ upanissāya viharāmi na ciraṃ tīni vassāni D I.152
“it is not more than three years, Mahāli, since I have lived under the Blessed One”.
The forms yadagge and tadagge are found coordinately in the sense of “from ... till ...”. e.g.,
yadagge ahaṃ Bhagavati abhippasanno ... tadagge kho pana D I.93
“since I gained reliance in the Blessed One, from that time onwards ...”.
iv. A few archaic forms of original locatives are found in the Nikāyas with the causal and modal sense. Such are āvi and raho (§2) which though originally meaning “in the open” and “in secrecy” have come to signify the adverbial notions of “openly” and “secretly” (manner). e.g., āvi ca eva raho ca M I.321.
b. i. At other times however these adverbs are found not, as separate words in the sentence but as words qualifying some adjective and limiting its application. This is found in the instance when the adverb is compounded with the adjective as the first member of an aluk-samāsa both together constituting an adjectival compound (bahubbīhi). e.g., majjhe-kalyāṇaṃ (dhammaṃ) D I.62; D III.76 “(the doctrine) good-in the middle”;
pubbe-nivāsa-paṭisaṃyuttā dhammī kathā D II.1
“doctrinal talk regarding previous (lit. before) lives”.
But more often the adverb is left outside the compound. e.g.,
pubbe ananussutassa dhammassa D II.32
“of the doctrine not heard before”.
ii. This kind of compound can also be formed from the peculiar adverbs of the class of kuhiṃ etc. the second member usually being a derivative form of some verb of motion. e.g.,
kuhiṃgāmī bhavissati M I.8 lit.
“whither-going shall he be”.
last updated: April 2016